FROM CLASSROOMS TO NEWSROOMS: HOW CHINESE “SOFT POWER” OPERATES IN NORTH MACEDONIA
Journalist: Enis Shaqiri
Over the past decade, North Macedonia has been targeted by the influence operations of authoritarian powers – primarily Russia and China – which have sought, through a range of instruments, to expand their political, economic, media, and cultural reach in a NATO member state and candidate for European Union accession.
However, following Russia’s aggression in Ukraine on February 24, 2022, and the sanctions imposed by the U.S. and the EU, Moscow’s role in the country has diminished, opening a gap that analysts say is increasingly being filled by China.
“The fact that China is attempting to install its influence in a space previously dominated by Russia does not mean there is competition between the two Eastern powers. On the contrary: both states show tight coordination in the face of a unified West, from Ukraine to conflicts in the Middle East. This synergy between Moscow and Beijing is present in the Western Balkans, where Russia maintains influence through the Orthodox Church while China extends its reach via the economy and the media,” says geopolitical analyst Xhelal Neziri.
In practice, analysts note, China’s approach in North Macedonia differs from Russia’s. Unlike Moscow – whose influence was openly visible during the 2016 political crisis in North Macedonia, Beijing operates in a less confrontational and more fragmented manner, focusing on economic, cultural and media instruments that build long-term influence without direct political clashes.
“Specifically regarding China, in recent years its influence appears to be waning at least in terms of the willingness of Macedonian authorities to cooperate on large-scale or sensitive projects. But, on the other hand, China is very active at the grassroots level, and collaboration with academic actors, the media, municipalities, and even the NGO sector is more intensive than ever,” says Ana Krstinovska, an expert on Chinese influence.
In this context, cultural institutes and academic programs supported by Beijing occupy an increasingly prominent role and present themselves as key tools for building a positive image of China beyond its borders.
One such institution is the Confucius Institute in Skopje – a center that offers students “language and concrete academic opportunities,” while prompting experts to raise questions “about transparency, influence, and the line between cultural exchange and political power.”
Who is dominating the World – China or the West?
“From time to time, conversations open up between us. We talk about China’s economic power, about relations between China and the West, who has the strongest technology, the U.S., China, or Europe – and similar things. But these are free and spontaneous conversations, mostly to relax and debate among ourselves,” a 21-year-old student from Skopje who attends courses and programs at the Confucius Institute told BIRC (Balkan Institute for Regional Cooperation).
“This usually happens when we ‘provoke’ a bit during conversations,” he adds.
The student, who asked not to be identified by name, explains that the institute does not offer only language courses, but also summer camps, study programs at Chinese universities, student scholarships, as well as sports and cultural activities. For many young people, he notes, this represents a concrete opportunity to travel, receive a scholarship, or build professional contacts.
“I really wanted to attend a summer camp in China, but the Covid-19 pandemic disrupted the plans and it was cancelled,” he says.
“It’s not the language that’s the problem, but the rules and transparency”
Investigative journalist Bojan Blazhevski, who has long followed issues related to Chinese influence in North Macedonia, argues that because of China’s political model (communist) and the state’s tight control over media and society, soft-power cooperation is easier to channel through language and culture than through other forms of social engagement.
“I don’t see a problem in learning the Chinese language and getting to know some aspects of Chinese culture,” he says, adding that language and context can also help people understand China today.
However, he raises concerns about the selection of topics and narratives that may be promoted through institute activities, particularly in a country like North Macedonia that seeks EU integration.
“In some faculties this cooperation is wholly inappropriate, even dangerous – for example, faculties of political science, journalism, and security studies. North Macedonia, as a NATO member, should not have students or professors going to study in China and then returning to occupy key positions in the security sector. Or what are Macedonian journalists supposed to learn from a visit to a Chinese state media outlet?” he asks.
“Learn how to perfect state propaganda, or how to suppress freedom of speech? Such collaborations with China are entirely unsuited to certain activities within higher education.”
“Therefore, the Confucius Institute is an instrument of the Chinese state’s soft power, advancing the official narratives of a one-party, non-democratic regime. I cannot point to direct models of indoctrination of Macedonian citizens by the institute, but it dovetails very well with China’s desired portrayal to foreign publics – as a normal, problem-free superpower with content citizens and advanced technology,” Blazhevski concludes.
What is “soft power”?
“Soft power” refers to the way a state exerts influence without using force or direct pressure. Instead of “hard power” instruments, such as threats, economic coercion, or military intervention, soft power seeks to expand influence through attraction and persuasion: culture, education, diplomacy, international reputation, and narratives that portray a country as a “reliable and desirable” partner.
In this context, it is also important to consider the Global Soft Power Index, which identifies and tests the main soft-power narratives by measuring the degree to which they resonate with public opinion across seven categories, including education and science, where China ranks second globally – its highest position so far – reflecting the steady expansion of its global image and attractiveness.
Between soft power and the “hard power” of military force or economic coercion sits “sharp power” – a form of influence often linked to propaganda, information manipulation and disinformation. Unlike soft power, which gains ground through credibility and attraction, sharp power seeks to influence by blurring reality and distorting public debate.
Joseph Nye, the late political scientist who coined the idea of “soft power,” argued that the central distinction between soft power and “sharp power” is how they relate to truth and transparency: soft power is grounded in credibility, while sharp power depends on manipulation, in essence, “a fully formed weapon.”
What is publicly known about the Confucius Institute in Skopje?
According to public records, the Confucius Institute in Skopje was established in September 2013 within Ss. Cyril and Methodius University (UKIM) by a Senate decision, in partnership with the Southwestern University of Finance and Economics in Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan province in southwest China.
Instruction is also delivered by visiting lecturers from China, and the institute operates from premises inside the National and University Library “St. Kliment Ohridski” on Goce Delchev Boulevard in Skopje.
However, UKIM and the Confucius Institute do not publish detailed, verifiable statistics in open materials about the institute’s funding sources, exact staff numbers, instructors, or student enrollment, at least not in documents that can be easily verified online.
To clarify issues of financing, personnel status, use of university facilities, the content of teaching materials, and the extent to which the institute’s programs are integrated into UKIM’s study offerings – and what effects these trainings produce (labor market outcomes, cultural diplomacy, exchanges) – BIRC attempted to contact both Ss. Cyril and Methodius University and the Confucius Institute by phone and official email. As of the completion of this article, no response had been received.
In the absence of those replies, BIRC sought a position from the Ministry of Education and Science. The ministry replied:
“Higher education institutions in ((North) Macedonia are autonomous in their management and independently initiate cooperation with external entities. The Ministry of Education and Science supports the promotion of foreign languages within higher-education institutions where there is interest, but it is also oriented toward promoting the Macedonian language by opening lectorates at foreign universities.”
Preliminary Data from Public Announcements
Beyond the silence from these institutions, some preliminary data appear in public only through announcements and media reports.
For example, in a notice published on 13 July 2020, the portal fakulteti.mk wrote that “since its founding, more than 1,500 course participants of various ages have attended Chinese language courses organized by the Institute, at different levels.”
The same notice also mentioned free online summer courses planned in two groups (up to 18 and over 18), taught by Chinese lecturers.
Meanwhile, the director of the Confucius Institute, Vlatko Stoilkov, said in an interview with Voice of America published on September 25, 2024, that “last year (2023) 1,067 new pupils enrolled and 260 continued from earlier,” or around 1,380 in total, within free Chinese-language classes held in schools.
In addition to Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, cooperation with Chinese universities and institutions has also been developed by two other higher-education institutions in the country: the University of Ohrid “St. Apostle Paul” and Goce Delčev University of Štip.
Do students and academic staff grasp the geopolitical dimension?
Blazhevski says most students view these programs primarily as practical opportunities: courses, scholarships, travel, and experience.
“It’s good that, as citizens, we are open to getting to know new cultures and different languages. I don’t see a problem here. The problem I see lies with macedonian state universities and with the authorities of North Macedonia themselves. A clear boundary must be set on what is allowed as an appropriate cultural exchange between two countries – and where the ‘red line’ is, when such cooperation can turn into malign foreign influence for our country,” he concludes.
In North Macedonia, cooperation with China in the fields of science and technology is based on the Agreement on Scientific and Technical Cooperation, signed on 7 March 1995.
This agreement establishes the legal framework for the development of joint scientific research projects between the two countries and paved the way for Macedonian universities and research institutions to conclude cooperation memoranda directly with their counterparts in China.
What do international organizations’ reports say about the Confucius Institutes?
These concerns are not limited to the local context. Reports by international human-rights and academic-freedom organizations document that Confucius Institute teaching materials worldwide are produced and approved by Chinese state structures directly linked to Beijing.
According to these reports, sensitive political and historical topics, including the 1989 Tiananmen protests, the status of Taiwan, Tibet, and human-rights issues, are frequently avoided, downplayed, or presented exclusively through the Chinese Communist Party’s official narrative.
Organisations such as Human Rights Foundation have warned that the Confucius Institute model poses a danger to academic freedom and fosters an environment of self-censorship, especially at universities that cooperate closely with these institutes.
Meanwhile, in North Macedonia, recent research by the Estima Institute shows that roughly one-third of university lecturers have been involved in some form of academic cooperation with China.
“For the majority, this has meant joint publications or participation in small project activities, often driven by individual networks or opportunistic chances. Meanwhile, a smaller group has taken part in official, state-funded exchanges,” the study says.
Within this picture, the Confucius Institute at UKIM is identified as the most visible and structured platform of such cooperation and has played a central role in teaching Chinese language and culture since 2013.
However, the research finds that exchanges remain limited: outgoing student numbers to China are small, while arrivals from China to North Macedonian universities are negligible compared with partnerships developed through Erasmus+, CEEPUS and other EU frameworks.
The Confucius Institute does not operate only in Skopje, it is present across Southeast Europe – in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia, Greece and Bulgaria – in contexts broadly similar to North Macedonia.
Unlike in these Southeast European countries, where the Confucius Institute has largely operated without visible public resistance or government intervention, in several Western countries – notably the United Kingdom and Germany – and in the United States the institute has faced sharp criticism, institutional pressure and, in many cases, complete closure. These actions were driven by concerns over academic freedom, lack of transparency, and the political influence exerted by the Chinese state.
This is the first article in a two-part series. In the coming days, BIRC will publish the second part, which examines China’s influence through the media.